Ever since the 2004 presidential election, and the... well, if it had been the religious right doing it I would've called it soul-searching, but coming from the secular left perhaps... brow-beating by the blue states over what exactly "values" are, I have been appalled at how little the left understands the right.
The right, on the other hand, understands the left a little bit better out of long necessity. The overwhelming influence the left has wielded in the media and, until recently, the political arena, has made it an absolute necessity for the right to come to a working knowledge of what makes the left tick.
That or be crushed.
The fact that the right prevailed, by electing George Bush, against the combined might of the mega-dollars raised through the new 527 loophole
provided by the McCaine-Feingold campaign finance "reform" bill, plus the Democratic Party's largest fund-raising effort ever, and the concerted, coordinated, and even fraudulent efforts of the DNC's publicity department, otherwise known as the mainstream media, shows how effective the right's "working knowledge" of the left is.
But the left; they just don't get the right at all. The values that the right holds most dear seem to frighten the pants off of the left (though they wouldn't be frightened if they really understood what the values were). The ludicrous lengths that liberals seem willing to go in order to crush the slightest evidence of Judeo-Christian influence in any public institution, despite the fact that the history of the United States springs almost complete from Judeo-Christian values, shows how far apart left and right are. That the left accuses the right of trying to create a new, Christian theocracy because they want to have a sculpture of the tablets of the ten commandments (from which much of our law stems) outside a courthouse shows how much they misunderstand the values of the right.
The irony of the matter is that the values that the left is using to justify the elimination of Judeo-Christian influence, stem from the Judeo-Christian ethic. In particular: protection of the weak. What they seem to have forgotten is that the majority needs protection, too. That the goal is not suppression of the majority, but elevation of the minority; not crushing the strong, rather strengthening the weak.
The central issue, the crux of the matter, is illustrated by the
difference in the ways the left and right perceive our nation. The
right sees the United States as a wholly unique and special country,
better in most ways than any country in history - made so by our
values. The left sees us as largely responsible for the ills of the
world - because of our values.
This difference in viewpoints has baffled me for some time, but my bafflement came to a head when I realized, post-election, how really far apart the two views are. Until recently I had the idea that, if only it could be explained well enough, each side would understand the other. After all, their core values are much the same. I know, I was a liberal, and am now a conservative, and my values have not changed; only my assessment of how effective their different methods are at achieving the goals intended. At this point I'm not sure if one side can understand the other on a large scale and, though the demonization of conservatism by the mainstream media is currently the chief, but by no means only obstacle to better understanding, the roots of the discord run deep.
Joe Carter, who's excellent blog Evangelical Outpost should be regular reading, e-mailed to point out a very interesting article in Commentary Magazine, around which he has organized a blogging symposium.
David Gelernter, who, in addition to writing for Commentary, has written for
The National Review, and The Weekly Standard (and who you may remember as a
survivor of one of the uni-bomber's attacks) has penned a piece entitled Americanism--and Its Enemies.
In it he endeavors to find the roots of Americanism - a wonderful, and
elusive, quasi-religion - in part by tracing the history of its enemies.
"By his enemies you shall know him" is another way of saying that, if you beat around the bush effectively enough, you'll end up with a pretty good outline of the bush. Gelernter creates a pretty good outline of Americanism by defining its enemies. His definition of "Americanism" is close to what I mean when I say that conservatives feel the United States is "a wholly unique and special country, better in most ways than any country in history - made so by our values."
Gelernter believes that Americanism is the direct decedent of Puritanism or, more specifically, that Puritanism turned into Americanism.
Many thinkers have noted that Americanism is inspired by or close to or
intertwined with Puritanism. One of the most impressive scholars to say
so recently is Samuel Huntington, in his formidable book on American
identity, Who Are We? But my thesis is that Puritanism did not
merely inspire or influence Americanism; it turned into Americanism.
Puritanism and Americanism are not just parallel or related
developments; they are two stages of a single phenomenon.
Gelernter's very next sentence is, "This is an unprovable proposition," and (at least from my position, which is to say "complete ignorance" of Puritanism) I would have to agree. Nonetheless I found some things that spoke to me in his analysis.
The idea of an “American creed” has been around for a long time.
Huntington lists its elements as “liberty, equality, democracy,
individualism, human rights, the rule of law, and private property.” I
prefer a different formulation: a conceptual triangle in which one
fundamental fact creates two premises that create three conclusions.
The fundamental fact: the Bible is God’s word. Two premises:
first, every member of the American community has his own individual
dignity, insofar as he deals individually with God; second, the
community has a divine mission to all mankind. Three conclusions: every
human being everywhere is entitled to freedom, equality, and democracy.
In the American creed, both premises and all three conclusions
refer back to the Bible, especially the Hebrew Bible. Americans have
defined the “community” of the premises more and more broadly over the
years, until it has grown to encompass the whole population of adult
citizens—thus bringing the premises gradually into line with the
universal conclusions. Today there is pressure to define the community
more broadly still, so that it includes (for example) illegal as well
as legal residents.
Freedom, equality, democracy: the Declaration held these truths to be self-evident, but “self-evident” they were certainly not.
Otherwise, America would hardly have been the first nation in history
to be built on this foundation. Deriving all three from the Bible,
theologians of Americanism understood these doctrines not as
philosophical ideas but as the word of God. Hence the fervor and
passion with which Americans believe their creed. Americans, virtually
alone in the world, insist that freedom, equality, and democracy are
right not only for France and Spain but for Afghanistan and Iraq.
Gelernter's creed also embraces preordination, or manifest destiny.
We can go further. To sum up Americanism’s creed as freedom,
equality, and democracy for all is to state only half the case. The
other half deals with a promised land, a chosen people, and a
universal, divinely ordained mission. This part of Americanism is the
American version of biblical Zionism: in short, American Zionism.
Though Gelernter includes the Calvinist belief in predestination in his version of the American creed; I do not. The thread by which Americanism hangs is fragile indeed. Take as an example the narrow margin of conservatism over liberalism in the 2004 presidential election; or the 129 vote "victory" of Democrat over Republican in the Washington state gubernatorial race. It is a close run thing, day by day. To say that our dominance is preordained, or that inevitably we will spread freedom and democracy to the rest of the world, is overly hopeful and, more importantly, it interferes with my belief that God gave us freewill. Beyond that let me say that, though we are not preordained to spread God's gifts of freedom and self-determination, it's our duty to try to help every person be free.
If Gelernter fails to exactly parallel my views on why I think America is wholly unique and amazing (and I'm pretty sure that wasn't his goal), he doesn't miss by much. His tracing of Americanism's roots in Puritanism is, though beyond proof, still a good place to start in thinking about what makes the left and right think so differently about the same things. Though I don't agree with all of his conclusions the article is definitely worth reading.
Oh, and I enjoyed this interesting historical note:
The same day the Declaration of Independence was adopted, Benjamin
Franklin, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson were appointed as a
committee to propose a seal for the brand-new United States. Given what
we know about Americanism, it is hardly surprising that they suggested
an image of Israel crossing the Red Sea and Moses lit by the pillar of
fire, with the motto: “Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God.” (The
seal was never adopted, but a copy of the recommendation survives in
the papers of the Continental Congress.)